June 17, 2009
FOR nearly two
years since he became governor, Delta State was becoming something of a model in
government containment of the militants in the oil-bearing region.
Through formal and community-based structures, a good number of the
militants were weaned off their illegal activities and incorporated in pursuit
of one of the state government’s key pillars – Peace and Security. There was
relative peace until a fortnight ago when all hell broke loose and the armed
forces, in a most comprehensive onslaught so far, began serial bombardment of
the strongholds of the militants in the creeks. Scores have been killed and
thousands displaced. Last Thursday, Governor Emmanuel Eweta Uduaghan was
accompanied by military commanders, who revealed the extensive cache of arms
recovered from the hideout of Tompolo, the key henchman of CAMP 5 of the
militants. After the inspection of the cache, Governor Uduaghan took time off a
series of scheduled security and allied meetings to share his feelings and
thoughts on the military onslaught on the state. The appropriate context for his
responses is the fact that he has been in the Delta State Government since the
advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999 (first as Commissioner of Health, later as
Secretary to the State Government and then Governor since May 29, 2007). Thus,
in the two hours he spent with The Guardian’s Legal Adviser and member,
Editorial Board, KINGSLEY OSADOLOR and Deputy Political Editor, ABRAHAM OGBODO,
Governor Uduaghan revealed the peak and trough of his experience in the past 10
years including the bequest of his predecessor, Chief James Ibori and the
delicate relationship with Chief E.K Clark and others. He also offered
illuminating insights into how to strengthen and deepen Nigeria’s democracy,
which is suffering from arrested development 10 years on.
FOR the better
part of your first two years in office, Delta State was peaceful with regard to
the activities of militants. This was as a result of measures you took to ensure
peace in the state. But things have suddenly changed; what went wrong?
As part of our three-point agenda, we had peace and security, and our
strategy was anchored on several factors. The first was about giving the people
hope; that is, keeping hope alive. The problem has always been that we are
marginalized. We are marginalized in several areas by the government and by the
oil companies. For the government and the oil companies, there were two key
areas: Infrastructural development and human capital development.
We decided to deal with these two areas, so that we could give the people
hope. To do this, we decided to set up the Delta State Oil Producing Areas
Development Commission (DESOPADEC), which was put in place by my predecessor and
when I came in, I had to commission the body and start funding it.
DESOPADEC is given 50 per cent of our 13 per cent derivation fund. There
are two things about the commission: One, the membership, which derives entirely
from the oil producing communities, and two; 30 per cent of the commission’s
funding is meant to specifically develop the oil producing areas.
The fact that members of DESOPADEC are from the oil producing communities
and people, who are on the ground, they understand the needs of the people and
they have been able to get to the grassroots. This gave a lot of hope and the
people began to believe that the oil money that seemed to be hanging up there
could now get to them. That did a lot of wonders for the people at the
grassroots.
The second strategy we have used is to put in place a committee known as
the Delta Waterways Safety Committee. It is made up of mainly youths, who were
part of the Warri crisis, as we knew it then.
Remember that the Warri crisis started because of inter-ethnic conflict
among the Ijaw, the Itsekiri and the Urhobo. And at the end of the conflict,
after my predecessor had settled it, a lot of the youths, who were involved,
somehow became stranded. We then decided to put them together in the committee
because these are youths at the grassroots; they understand the terrain and they
can get anywhere in the creeks, and they can identify with the needs of those in
the creeks. We use them to collect information for the purpose of
security.
Usually, before violence erupts, there are pre-warning signs and if some of
these signs can be picked up, the problem can be easily solved. The Waterways
Safety Committee being very active coupled with DESOPADEC, we have been able to
sustain the peace.
Also, the oil companies began to change their unfriendly attitude towards
host communities. Employment and contract awards in these companies were given
to people from very far away leaving the local people with nothing. This
administration sat down with the oil companies and said: ‘look, you need to
patronize the people more.’ These are the efforts we have made to achieve the
things you see.
Having said this, we still had it at the back of our mind that a lot of
arms had come into the area and that we needed to deal with that. Our strategy
is to provide an enabling environment for many of our youths to be employed and
if many of them are meaningfully engaged, the pool that will be left for
recruitment into criminal activities will be very much reduced.
And so, we have a bigger strategy of economic development of the entire
state. We are trying to provide an enabling environment for industries to come
to the area, and in doing that, we are looking at key infrastructure that should
be in place. One of such is power. We are investing heavily in power and also
partnering with the Federal Government to ensure there is power.
Generally, when you are talking about infrastructure, you are referring to
transport facilities such as airports, seaports, roads and of course, the
railways. We are investing heavily in those areas. The other areas have to do
with ICT and urbanization. We needed to change the face of our cities so that
people will be happy to come and invest. We have progressed very fast in these
areas to attract investors. A lot of investors are showing interest in Delta
State.
But one thing is to have peace, and another thing is to maintain it. After
achieving that level, at which a lot of our youths were engaged, we still had
some that we termed criminals. At that point, our strategy was to encourage the
law enforcement agents to go after them. That was where we were, pushing for
amnesty at the federal level.
Fortunately, Mr. President has agreed on the amnesty. We are actively part
of the team that is working out the conditions for the amnesty. Ours is to tell
them (the youths) that ‘Mr. President has granted amnesty, take it now or never.
For those who will accept it, we will bring them out, and give them
opportunities. For those who will refuse amnesty, they are pure criminals, and
we will know how to deal with them.
Unfortunately, we had not got to that stage when an incident happened. Some
soldiers were reported missing and when soldiers are missing, it is difficult to
tell the military to fold its arms and forget about their missing colleagues.
From what the military people are saying, they are looking for their soldiers.
That is strictly what is happening.
Do you think the situation will get complicated as a result of the
bombardment we have seen in the last few days?
It could either get worse or make the region better, depending on how it is
managed. And so as a State, we are doing everything possible to manage the
situation so that the damage will be minimal. I don’t want to go into the
details now because we are still in the middle of the action that has taken
place.
Notwithstanding, we are doing a few things as a State to ensure that the
impact on our Three-point Agenda is not too heavy. There is no doubt that we
will lose, and right now, we are losing some things.
I need to say this: if you are talking about peace, it is very difficult to
achieve 100 per cent peace. When you achieve peace, there are bound to be
hiccups, and that is why in the home, you have the husband and wife having
disagreements. So, once we are able to manage this and tidy ourselves through
it, I am hoping that our other strategies will still be on course.
An obvious consequence of the bombardment is the humanitarian crisis we are
seeing; there are women, children and youths, huddled in temporary shelters.
What has been the response of the state government in catering for the needs of
these displaced people?
This thing is about seven days old; the initial thing was to try and cool
down the tempers. In the first few days, tempers were quite high, and I had to
personally be on ground to cool down a lot of tempers so that we could have a
sense of direction.
But as at today, we have already set up a committee, what I call the
rehabilitation committee, and they are providing a place where displaced persons
would be sheltered temporarily. In that committee, we have people from the
community, state, and local government. We also have people from the Joint Task
Force because the JTF had a feeling that some of these youths would take refuge
in those places, and from there, launch attacks.
We have now agreed on the modalities with the JTF and we are setting up
camps for displaced people. We will take care of their food, health and shelter
needs. When this whole military process is over, and the waterways are safe, we
will assess whatever damage had been done and then try and do the best we can to
enable them go home and resume normal life. But as far as rehabilitation is
concerned, we have already started the process.
How much pressure has been on you since the flare up in the creeks
began?
There has been a lot of pressure. The first feeling one has in the current
circumstances is that something one has worked so hard to achieve in two years
appears to have been eroded in a few days. But when one takes up a position, one
faces challenges. So, after that initial feeling, I had to face those
challenges. And I must say that I have received a lot of cooperation from our
people.
When it started, there were people from the military and community who
advised on how to minimize the damage. They were people across the board,
including traditional rulers and retired military officers, and religious
leaders, and they have actually helped in minimizing the pressure on me.
There have been statements that the attack is premeditated; that it was, in
fact, encouraged by your government for a purpose. Is there any truth in
that?
Like I said, I don’t want to go into the details now because we are still
in the middle of the crisis. I think by the time the whole thing finishes, a lot
will be known. But let me say this, the whole scenario could not have been
premeditated. I know that at a point, people were trying to make it an ethnic
issue; it is very far from it. Nobody planned the attack and directed the
military to go and attack. I don’t also think anybody directed the youths to go
and carry out the attack on the military.
The much-talked about peace in Delta State appears to be on fire. Can we
put a time frame within which things will come back to normal?
It is difficult to put a time limit on this process, and this is what I
keep telling people; you might know the beginning of a crisis, but you might not
know the end. If you cast a stone in water, you will know where it will drop,
but you will not know how far the ripples will go. That is exactly what this
crisis is all about.
However, I must say that because of the way we have handled it, things have
moved faster than they normally would have moved. That is, things are cooling
down faster than we had thought. There might be ripple effects, but I don’t want
to put a time frame.
I also want to say that as soon as the waterways are opened by the
military, after they have made their assessment, movements in the waterways will
start. Even now, there is some movement especially for women carrying food. The
JTF has assured me that people carrying food will be allowed to move. It is only
the speedboats that will not be allowed to move now because they might be
carrying arms.
Don’t forget that most of the communities in those creeks depend on food
from Warri, and once the waterways are totally locked up, you will cause a big
disaster. That is why we have appealed to the JTF, and they have been quite
understanding about the need for food to move.
So, as we speak, have the JTF agreed on a ceasefire or continuing the
bombardment of the locations of the militants?
They have a process the details of which I don’t know. I just take it on a
day to day basis. From my understanding, it is a military action, and they know
what they are looking for, and they have their details. I, as a governor, can
only manage the fallout.
THIS would, on the face of it, seem an unpleasant anniversary gift, knowing
that May 29 marks your mid-term in office. But putting this behind, what has
been your experience since you came into office two years ago?
I will say that the experience has been quite challenging, intriguing and
interesting. Why do I say so? Before I came on board, one of the things Delta
State was noted for was this issue of ethnic distrust, and it was the basis for
a lot of problems that we had. And I told myself when I was taking office that I
needed to deal with that, and I will say that has been my biggest target.
I was coming from an ethnic group, which some other ethnic groups did not
trust, and my ethnic group did not also trust some others. But being part of the
last administration for eight years, one had one or two reasons why this
distrust was there. I think the major reason was the need to give to each ethnic
group what it deserved.
There are big ethnic groups, and there are small ones. Let me take Urhobo,
for instance. It is the largest ethnic group in Delta State, occupying a whole
senatorial district, and also occupying some places in other senatorial
districts. In the sharing formula, whether in appointments or in employment or
in development, naturally, the Urhobo should have the biggest share if you are
doing it on ethnic basis. And for the other smaller ones, it should go down like
that.
That is what we have tried to do; that is doing things evenly, so that if
it is distribution based on senatorial districts, each should get what it
deserves, and if it is on ethnic basis, it should be the same. That has been the
key to whatever we have achieved.
I must say that when I started, some people had doubts as to whether I was
sincere or not, but when they started seeing that there was some sincerity in
what I was doing, they mellowed down. I was determined to go that way because in
taking that decision, I searched my conscience and I asked God to direct me.
Once I was given that directive, I pursued it with a lot of determination, and I
think people also saw the determination and sincerity with which I was doing it,
and they came to accept it. I would say that has been the biggest
challenge.
Of course, all of that flows into our three-point agenda of peace and
security, infrastructural development and human capital development. Each of
those three-point agenda is embedded in this big agenda of ensuring that each
ethnic group did not look at the other like an enemy. I am hoping that we will
be able to move to a stage in Delta one day, when it will not really matter
where you come from to become the governor. Instead, people will ask if the
person has the experience, the knowledge and the good heart to be fair to all.
Once we able to get to that stage, we would have achieved a lot, and that is the
direction I want to be moving towards.
In this context, one will recall that in the early days, you had a running
battle with Chief E.K Clark, but that seems to have simmered, if not otherwise
resolved. What was the trick behind it?
Let me start by saying that I grew up in my first few years with an old
person, my grand mother. I am a grandmother brought up, and I think that also
gave me the experience of how to relate with elderly persons.
Now, Chief E.K Clark is an elderly person; he has been what I will call
‘Who is Who’ in Nigeria: he has been a commissioner, minister, senator and
whatever. He is a well-educated and well-connected person. He can enter any
office in this country, including the office of the President, and he is not
somebody who is hungry, and he is an elderly man. So, he is not somebody who is
looking for one’s office or contest election tomorrow.
When you see that kind of person, the most senseless thing you can do is to
say you want to confront him. I took the path I thought was best, and that is, I
listened to whatever he was saying, and the ones I could not deal with, I just
put them on the side. The ones I could deal with, I dealt with them, without
responding to him, without abusing him, but instead, giving him the due respect
he deserves.
He could come here and give me a knock on the head; at the end, I will
still say, ‘thank you, sir,’ although, it did not get to that stage. That was my
attitude towards him, and people of that group. With time, I think he now found
out that I didn’t mean any harm, and I think he also saw what I described
earlier – that I was giving to each segment of the State what it deserves. And
it got to a point when he said: ‘well, this young man, we thought we didn’t
quite know who he was; let’s watch him.’
I can tell you that as at today, our relationship is very good. Even in
this crisis, we have virtually been talking on a daily basis, on the phone,
comparing notes on what was being done. I think, as at now, he is quite happy
with me. That is how I have related with people of that bracket.
And my advice to anybody in my position is that he should try not to make
too many enemies. Even if people, maybe elders or traditional rulers are
objecting to what you are doing, the more you reach out, the more friends you
will make, and the less problems you will have. But if you want to fight many
fights, then of course, you will have problems. That is the way I managed that
situation.
Returning to one of the tripods of your administration, human capital
development. This is a huge problem in this country because the quality of the
products the educational system turns out is not good enough. How much of impact
has your administration made on improving the quality of education that people
receive?
Before I zero in on education, let me say we look at human capital
development in a way that takes it from the day of a person’s conception to the
day he enters the grave. As a medical doctor, I think that there is a programme
of activity from the day the sperm and the egg come together and fuse for a
pregnancy to start. The quality of child that is delivered affects the way it
ends up in life. So, if you do not take proper care of that pregnancy from day
one, a poor quality child might come out, and that child might grow up to be a
miscreant and a problem to the society.
So, what did we do? We said we must look after the child, while it is in
the mother’s womb so that we will have a healthy child on the day of delivery.
So many women do not have access to healthcare, and antenatal care; instead,
they patronize some quacks or some native people. We started our free antenatal
care, and that increased the number of pregnant women that were going to the
hospitals, and the number of deliveries; so, we took care of that.
Of course, from the day the woman delivers to the next 28 days, what is
called neo-natal period, we have our special health programme for them. In the
first five years of the baby’s life, we have programmes, which are mainly
medical, like immunization and all that. We ensure that the children that are
born all have immunization, and this year, we are projecting further to include
full treatment in cases of illness.
It is thereafter, that you can start talking about school age, and what is
to be done during school and after school in terms of employment. Even if
employed, man or woman, you will require adequate health care.
We are also planning for our old people. So, that is how we are looking at
human capital development. We are looking at it from the day a person is
pregnant to the day he enters the grave.
Coming now to the issue of education, as far as the government is
concerned, it starts from the primary schools: there is the kindergarten, but it
is usually private and government is not involved in it. The child passes
through the primary school, secondary school and then the university or
polytechnic if the child has the opportunity. If the child cannot go to the
university or even secondary school, he can also go to a trade centre to learn
one trade or the other.
The Federal Government is involved in primary school administration through
the Universal Basic Education (UBE), which involves primary school and the first
three years of secondary school. For us as a state, we have our State Universal
Basic Education Board (SUBEB), which deals with the primary schools and the
Junior Secondary School (JSS).
Funds come from the federal and state governments. But the problem we do
have at that level is the payment of salaries to teachers. By the arrangement
now, the local government councils are handling the payment of salaries to
teachers, which is a problem across the country.
The other thing is the quality of the schools, the classrooms both at the
primary and secondary levels. When we came in, we held a stakeholder’ meeting on
education with the ministry of education, and I told them to make an assessment
for the provision of quality benches for all schools in Delta, and they came up
with N52 billion. That is just for benches alone, not to talk of the cost of the
buildings.
At the peak of the Warri crisis, a lot of the schools in the riverine areas
moved to the cities. What we did, as part of our peace process, was to reopen
the schools in the riverine areas and move them back from the urban areas. We
have started building special structures and many of them have been completed.
That is why I am praying that the crisis is over on time so that we do not have
cause to move the schools back to the urban centres.
We had a problem with regard to teachers. Not many teachers want to go to
the rural areas to teach. In fact, in some of these schools in the rural areas,
they have just one teacher. So, I set up a committee, which included the NUT
(Nigeria Union of Teachers) and which redistributed the teachers across the
state. After that, the schools that had one teacher now had up to seven or eight
teachers.
But it is difficult to keep a teacher in a rural area because of the
problem of accommodation, and of course, the urban life is not there. But I
stood my ground and took responsibility for all the postings and I told them
that if anybody wanted any change in posting, they should come to me. There had
to be sacrifice. Having said that, one also has to encourage these teachers to
go to the rural communities. We are working out an incentive, an extra pay
package for those teachers to go to the rural areas.
After redistributing the teachers, the shortfall became obvious. We would
need 10,000 teachers, especially science teachers. We looked at how to reduce
the shortfall and what we did is to put in place a process for the recruitment
of 5,000 teachers. As I speak, the process for the recruitment of the 5,000 is
underway.
But in employing the 5,000, there’s something critical, which is that many
of the teachers will sign a five-year bond that they must work in the rural
community before being brought to the urban areas. What used to happen is that
people were employed and kept in the towns. But now we are saying, if anyone
wants to teach, he will be employed but he has to be in the rural area for five
years and after five years, he can come to the town. That’s the condition we are
giving and I hope that will bring up the standard of schools in the rural
areas.
I schooled in the rural area and the quality of the teachers that brought
me up was as good as the quality of those teachers in the urban area. Those are
the things we have tried to do at the lower level; that is, the issue of
infrastructure and the staffing of the schools.
One other thing that must be emphasized about our educational system, which
is still a big problem, is examination malpractice. Delta State is known to be
tackling this problem because the last commissioner of education had his life
revolving around stamping out examination malpractices.
We are now planning a programme called the mentoring system. What does this
mean? We want who’s who in Delta State to be attached to schools in their
communities. That does not mean they will have to pay money but if they have
money to give, it’s okay. But they must know the school, visit the school
periodically and be familiar with the teachers and the problems of the
school.
Why are we doing that? It’s not possible for government to know all the
problems of the schools. I am happy Abraham is here because his name is on that
list and we will attach him to a school in his community. He will be a mentor
and we expect that once in a while, he will go home and see the school and he
can even spend 30 minutes teaching English in that school. He can just walk into
the school and tell the children what it takes to be a journalist. That way, he
can encourage some of the children to look forward to being journalists.
People like Gamaliel Onosode will be mentors in their schools. Chief
Senator Felix Ibru will be a mentor in his community’s school. I think it will
improve the quality of our education because we should collectively educate our
children. We should not leave education for the teachers and the government
alone.
We are also creating skill acquisition centres where people who cannot go
to the university can be trained in one skill or the other. Right now, we are
concentrating on welding because the oil industry requires a lot of welding. The
PTI (Petroleum Training Institute) is there, and we are opening a similar school
at Igbokodo.
We are also training people for agriculture. Our overall goal is to look at
a Delta without oil. Oil can finish tomorrow. The price of oil can drop
drastically that it becomes useless, like what we experienced last year. So, we
said, okay, let us look at other sources.
Lets look at the human development aspects of your programmes. A number of
advanced countries have a situation where there’s explosion in teenage pregnancy
because of the kind of facilities you have talked about. Do you have a programme
of concurrent sex education to prevent that kind of crisis? The other question
has to do with the mentoring programme and infrastructure; have you received the
consent of these persons you propose to name as mentors? With regard to the
schools, are libraries and laboratories part of the infrastructural
development?
Libraries and laboratories are part of the infrastructural development and
it is a comprehensive programme. On the issue of mentoring, like I said, we are
still compiling the names. And I will tell someone like Abraham that I am
attaching him to this school and if he refuses, I’ll report him to the
community. Apart from the benefits the mentoring will have for the children, it
will also make people come home. There are so many of our people who don’t come
home for years even when they are within the country.
So, if I say this school has been attached to you in your community and you
say no, of course, I know how to report you. I’ll report you to the community,
your local government and your senatorial district and I’ll report you to the
state. And by the time all these people combine, I’ll see where you will run to.
But on a more serious note, I think it’s something people should be interested
in. A lot of people have discussed it with me and they are so eager to be part
of the programme.
Coming to the problem of pregnancy, from my medical background, I don’t
believe that we should wait for crisis before we embark on sex education. Sex
education should begin from home with the mother and the father letting the
child know that at each developmental phase, this is what to expect. We also
have the schools and the various religious bodies. I can say that our free
antenatal programme has not brought in any crisis in terms of teenage
pregnancy.
From what you have explained, the drive for infrastructural development is
quite ambitious. From where do you hope to get the money to do all of
these?
First, when you plan your projects very well, you won’t have problems with
funds. Each year, we make a budget based on what we have and so far we are
comfortable for the first year and we have enough funds to do all the projects
we have. I talked about 52 billion for benches for the schools. The overall goal
is to improve the economy and if the economy improves, more money comes to the
state.
At a stage, we were toying with the issue of concessioning some of the
infrastructure. But concessioning at the federal level is still a big problem.
Even some of the ports that were concessioned, I don’t know how well they are
functioning. We are also looking at the issue of concessioning but the one we
can build we will build. These aren’t one-year projects.
Considering the fact that the monthly allocation Abuja is open to a lot of
vagaries due to the international price of oil, how well have you done with
Internally Generated Revenue (IGR)?
Oh, I just forgot that. We are trying to improve our economy by ensuring
that there are a lot more industries so that people can get employed and that
will improve internally generated revenue. We have not been very aggressive
because my own perspective is that people pay taxes when they see what you are
doing with money. Our strategy is, let us first convince people that we are
sincere. Let them see things we are doing such that when we now say they should
pay tax, they will voluntarily go and pay and you won’t have to pursue
them.
Let’s take the streetlight in Warri, for example. People have been saying
the light will just work for two weeks and after that it will be off. The
streetlight has been on for two years now and it has improved the economy.
People can now even move around at nights. If I want to find or look for trouble
in those areas, I’ll just put off those lights for one week and I’m sure that
there will be protests and if they protest I’ll say ok, I can only put it on
when you start paying your taxes. Some won’t but some will. That’s the kind of
thing I am talking about. Let people experience development; let them see the
benefit of what is on ground.
People are telling me the money we have will not be enough for all the
things we are doing. That means, in their minds, they already know that we need
to look for alternative source of money. So, when the IGR issue finally comes
up, it will be easier to collect. That’s our strategy and we think it will
improve our IGR on the whole.
You talked about reviving the ports in Warri, Koko and Sapele. And you have
been so passionate about this. And you are thinking of linking these ports up to
other cities with dual-carriage ways. When will all of these come on
stream?
Warri port has actually come alive in the sense that by the end of this
year, we are hovering between number two and number three, but more of number
three. In fact, 36 ships were trying to come to Warri port on the day of the
crisis. Of course, that would have given us a comfortable number two after which
we will be pursuing number one.
As at today, we are discussing with a company called Ibeto and they have
taken interest in the Koko Port and by the grace of God, they will go over
there. As for Sapele, we are requesting it from the Navy because the Navy took
it over but the part they are using is quite small. In fact, that port is
wasting and I was there two weeks ago. It’s wasting and we must pursue it
vigorously to see if we can get it back from the navy.
Somebody is handling the Burutu Port, which has been concessioned. If we
have increased activities in these ports, more ships will come to Delta and if
more ships come to Delta, there will be more economic activity.
Having the port is one thing, but the other thing is having a corresponding
transport system, either roads or railways. We have been able to get the Federal
Government to try and complete the remaining 21 kilometres of the railway line
from Ajaokuta to Aladja. If we get that, it will be a very big achievement for
us.
We are dualising Ughelli/Asaba road and that will take goods directly from
the Warri Port straight to Onitsha on a dual carriageway. The Koko to Ugbenu
road is also there.
There were some industries in the Delta, which were dear to the hearts of
the people. One of them is the AT&P, Sapele. There was news some time ago
that the place was being revived. What has happened?
AT&P (African Timber and Plywood) has been revived but working at very
minimal capacity. Government cannot run all these big industries. The idea was
to revive AT&P and let private investors take it up. But over time, the wood
business in Nigeria declined and it was no longer lucrative. People have to
plant wood and to get wood to AT&P; sometimes they get it from Okitipupa and
other places. We don’t have forest here and we cannot grow trees.
So, the AT&P is operating at a very low capacity because of the problem
with wood. But there was an initial problem of management because the person we
brought to manage the place, who was from the UAC, was neither here nor there.
As for the Bendel Glass, some Chinese are coming to take it over.
Bendel Glass is a very popular company, and when you go to those places,
what is left is the land. That is what is useful; the equipment and the
buildings are not useful for anything. Anybody who buys those companies is just
buying the land. But fortunately, for the Bendel Glass at Ughelli, we have gone
far in trying to sell it. As for the Asaba textile mill, another group has
indicated its interest in.
Taking you back to the question of ethnic balancing. There was a recent cry
of marginalization from the Itsekiri. Is it that you have not done enough for
your own people?
I think what happened was that people were still living in the old order,
where it is believed that if somebody from an ethnic group is the governor, his
ethnic group should take virtually everything. Their expectations were higher
than what they should be, and I was not ready to fall for that. What the
Itsekiri are entitled to, I have given to them. But I cannot take what belongs
to other ethnic groups and give to the Itsekiri; I cannot.
If you look at what we are doing, the Itsekiri cannot claim they have been
marginalized. The thinking is like; it is our son that is there, so we must get
this or that position. But I say no, because that will be against what I am
saying, and what I stand for. What you are entitled to, you will get, and what
the other ethnic groups are entitled to, they will get. I think at a point, the
people knew where I stood on that matter.
You talked about DESOPADEC, would you say that the commission has done
excellently well to meet the expectations of the people and the
government?
To some extent, yes. DESOPADEC is an outfit that is just starting from the
scratch; it had no framework, antecedents and all of that. There was nobody
there, and they were just starting off. It is just like a plane taking off; most
times, there is turbulence when the plane is taking off.
So that is the way I am looking at DESOPADEC. It was just taking off and
there was a lot of turbulence, with people trying to push the structure. There
was an initial scramble, but it is beginning to stabilize, and it is beginning
to get a smooth ride. I think it will deliver better than it has done.
Listening to you, it is obvious that there is a model of development behind
what you are doing; can we have an idea of what it is; is there any city you
have seen elsewhere that is serving as a blue print for you?
Let me say that my driving force primarily is the very strong belief that
we can use economic development to deal with the Niger Delta crisis. There are
models across the world that we need to look at. Embedded in that belief is the
view that the economic development I am looking at should not be dependent on
oil.
There are models of places that have developed without oil, and the two
examples in modern day development are Dubai and Singapore. These are places
that have little or no natural resources; all they have is the air and human
resources. We can develop without the oil; we should put the oil aside. If you
ask which part of the world I am using as a model, I am always thinking of the
Americas and of Europe because I have my own perception of those places. That is
why when people are crying that Obama is going to Ghana and not Nigeria, I have
my own perception of that, different from what many others are thinking.
How much of benefit will you say accrued to you from being in government
for eight years, before coming in as governor?
I think it is not in the interest of any State, or any country for anybody
to jump from nowhere, and become a governor, or a President. It is so because if
you become a governor without being in government at all, even knowing the
people in government and knowing who to put in particular places can be a
problem. Even placing the civil servants in their right places can be a
problem.
Today, I can close my eyes and say that this is the permanent secretary
that can fit into this particular ministry because I had known them while I was
Secretary to the State Government. I knew them, and I put them in the right
places and today, I am not wrong in doing so. You just come, and you are a
governor and you have never been a member of a council before; and you want to
chair an Exco meeting, it is not going to be easy.
But I can tell you that in my own case, I was lucky because myself and my
deputy and the Secretary to the State Government have been members of the State
Executive Council together since 1999, to the time we took our various
positions. We are moving into a stage now in which anybody who wants to take a
particular position must have some experience in government, either in the
executive or legislative arm because even from the legislature, one can acquire
the necessary experience.
Yes, it is good for somebody to come from the business world and take a
political position; with time he will stabilize, but I know that those initial
stages might not be good. Government is different from the private sector. I
came from the private sector to become commissioner of health, and it took me
quite some time to adjust. I had to move down to accept certain things that
obtained in government. Of course, the government, too, had to move down to
accept certain things I had imbibed as a person. But it took me some time, at
least six months, to get to that stage. And it is not in the interest of any
state for its governor to have a learning period because a lot of things can go
wrong during that learning period.
Last month, there was the South-South economic summit, what is the
philosophy behind the summit?
We came together as governors to look at the region. People just look at
our region as a region of crisis and if they want to be nice, they say it is the
region where oil comes from. We asked ourselves what the problems are.
We do not want to look at the region as a crisis-ridden region; neither do
we want to look at it exclusively as an oil-producing region. We believe that
there can be economic integration in that region because every state has its
strength and together, we can have a very strong region, particularly, in
economic terms. That is the primary reason we came together to say let’s look at
our strength and weaknesses and see how we can partner, and also avoid
duplication.
What do I mean? Cross Rivers State is well known for tourism; I should not,
as a state, start duplicating what Cross Rivers is doing. We should rather think
of how we can contribute towards ensuring that we build on the carnival that is
happening in Cross Rivers State. That is just an example. And in Delta, for
instance, we used to have a lot of palm oil; we can have two or three hubs in
the region, where we can cooperate for the development of palm oil or
rubber.
So, instead of duplication, we want to see how we can integrate by taking a
particular economic venture and seeing how we can collectively develop it. Even
in the area of transportation, there is a way we can work that out, be it by
road, or by rail. All of us are struggling to build airports now, is it really
necessary? Do we need to have Delta, Akwa Ibom and Bayelsa International
airports each? Or can we have one or two international airports, and then have
local airports? These are the sort of things we looking at.
Does the fact that Cross River has a carnival, for example, preclude other
States from doing things that are similar? For example there is the Igue
festival in Benin.
Let me ask you a question; do the Ishan (Esan) people take part in Igue
festival? It is an ethnic festival and not a state festival, and that is the
point I am trying to make. The annual carnival in Cross River is a state
activity and it is one that we believe can attract interest from around the
world. If all the other States do the same thing, then it becomes a localized
thing.
Does this co-operation include two or more states coming together, for
instance, to build a major road that links them?
The details of the summit in Calabar is still being worked out, but
straight away, I can say that one of the things we talked about there was the
issue of the coastal routes from Cross River through Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Bayelsa,
Delta, Edo to Ondo and Lagos. The Federal Government has even shown interest and
I think we may be collaborating with it. The details will be worked out.
After the summit, you and your governor colleagues met to announce the
floatation of an airline. Some cynics have said it is premature; and there seems
to be no further explanation.
Let me correct that. I think that was just taken as an example of the
things we can do. No agreement has been reached on what we want to do on various
projects. The Pat Utomi committee that we set up will keep compiling the various
presentations made at the summit, and come out with action plans. Until we get
the summary of the presentations and the action plans, we cannot start talking
about the specific issues. We were seeing the issue of the airline as a
possibility, not as if we have agreed to float the airline.
Obviously, the summit is poised to be meeting every year; are there
pitfalls you would be looking at avoiding so that it does not become a
talkshop?
What we are doing is being driven by the Chief Executives, which is
slightly different from the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG), which is more
of a private sector initiative. The commitment of the government to the NESG is
not as strong as our own commitments as State governments. We initiated it, and
we are also driving it, and we have people in the private sector who are giving
all the technical support. But we, as governors, are on the driving seat, and we
can say this is what we want to do.
Secondly, we are not also going to go into too many things at the same
time. By the time they come out with the plan of action, we must narrow it down
to things that are possible; it could be one or two things. It is not going to
be a situation in which we would be pursuing so many things, which can lead to
failure. Let us zero down to things that can give effect to other things. But we
are determined as governors to leave legacies behind; and in interacting with my
colleagues, I can see determination in everybody’s action.
Over the years, the image of the governor has not been too good, such that
when you leave as a governor, your second-hand value automatically becomes
questionable. We have learnt, and we know what people feel about governors,
rightly or wrongly, and even at the national level, the Governors’ Forum, a lot
is being done to change the image of the governor.
That is a natural entry point for us to look at the polity; it is not just
the perception of governors, but the perception of the entire political class.
An opinion poll, am sure, will show that the political value of the elite will
be almost rock bottom low. What do you think is responsible for this; is it that
we don’t have the right kind of politicians or it is the people themselves who
do not understand the politicians?
Or may be it is the press that is the biggest issue? (Laughter) It is
difficult to say one thing or the other is the reason; but it is a combination
of many factors. We are coming from long years of military rule to a democracy,
and in 2003, we moved from one tradition to another, and that was fairly easy.
But to move from the eighth year to the ninth year, resulted in a lot of doubts
because that was the first time we were going to be having that kind of
transition.
Now, we have people with some long years of experience occupying elective
positions; especially in the Assemblies where you have people who are spending
their third term. In the Senate, for instance, there used to be many changes in
leadership. It has been stable for two years now.
What I am saying is that there is concern on the part of every elected
public office holder on the need to keep democracy. The frequent change of
Speakers in the Houses of Assembly in the past is not that rampant anymore. So,
we must accept that there has been growth in our democratic process, and I
believe that with time, the stability will increase.
The problem is that, there are a lot of expectations on the part of
Nigerians. People are becoming impatient, and the area that is causing the
impatience is the area of infrastructure, mainly power. If today we have power
for 24 hours, the image of the government will change. People feel bad that
after so many years power is still a problem.
After infrastructure is the area of elections; electoral reforms. People
are wondering why we cannot achieve generally acceptable elections. Then the
third one, of course, has to do with other issues like the Niger Delta and so
on. But I think power infrastructure and electoral reforms are the two major
issues. So, it is for us to collectively look at these areas to see how we can
deal with them because once we are able to deal with these two areas, there will
be a lot of credibility for the government in power.
Unfortunately, we lost almost a year and half because of power probe in the
National Assembly. That public probe was made popular by the press and I recall
that when the chairman of that panel came, I told him: ‘look, don’t concentrate
on the people that are clapping for you. Listen to the drums, not the claps,
because it is the drum that can direct you correctly on the steps to take.’ But
if you are dancing to the sounds of the claps, you might miss the drums. I think
today, that may be what has happened.
As a member of the National Economic Intelligence Council, I know that a
lot is being done to ensure that we get what is needed in terms of power. We are
looking at 6000 megawatts, but that is small compared to what we actually
require. But we hope that with 6000 megawatts, there will be improvement and
people will be happy.
Again, Mr. President set up a committee on electoral reforms, which has
submitted its report and the Federal Government has sent the Bill to the
National Assembly, and they are looking at it. When people say the President has
shortchanged Nigerians by sending the Bill to the National Assembly, I wonder. I
think it is a democratic process and whatever disagreement anyone has with Mr.
President should be taken to the National Assembly. If what the President has
sent to the National Assembly is not acceptable, let Nigerians go and say so at
the NASS. But when we keep turning to an abusive forum, like I watch sometimes
on television discussion panels, I don’t think it is fair. We all have
representatives in this country. Instead of coming on TV to abuse the President
or government, go to your representative in the Senate and tell your
representative that you don’t agree with what the President has sent to the
Senate.
Let the media at this turn, instead of criticizing the President for
sending the Bill, educate Nigerians that if they have issues with the Bill that
the President has sent, they should go to their senators. I think in that way,
we will deepen the debate and we will deepen our democracy.
Now you talk about the people meeting their representatives, but there is a
disconnect because these people were imposed as a result of the subversion of
the democratic process.
No, most of us who are vocal and are critics, are people who don’t even go
back home. Such people are not even part of the process of electing the man;
they are either in Lagos or Abuja. They have access to the media and they are
always criticizing from Lagos to Abuja, either on TV, radio, or in the
newspaper. So, even in the first process of electing the man who becomes Senator
representing your district, you are not part of it. Such people do not know
their ward, not to talk of their constituency.
We all have a responsibility to deepen our democracy. Ask yourself what
role you can play; the man is there already, so what role can you play to ensure
the deepening of our democracy; then go back home and start doing one or two
things. If your senator is not good, you can contribute to his becoming good. At
your level, for instance, there is no way you will go back home and call three
or four persons from your place and say you want to hold a meeting and people
will not listen. By the time you call three, four people and announce it that
you want to look at the electoral reforms in your constituency, of course, the
senator will be forced to acknowledge that his people are seeking his attention
on the electoral reforms. If he does not come, he will get the report. If after
that you are talking on TV or in the papers, I will listen.
Issues concerning your election still remain unresolved; has this in any
manner impacted on your speed?
I will not say it has impacted on my speed; but naturally, it is more of a
distraction. From the way the electoral laws are, one has to pay attention to
one or two things, discuss with your lawyers and strategize and all that. The
distraction is such that while doing your work, it will be in your mind that you
have issues to deal with.
Does it cross your mind that after the elaborate engineering you have done,
you could be asked to go back for a rerun?
When we get to that bridge, we will cross it. It is a court case; so, I
really don’t want to discuss it.
2011 is a big issue now; is your vision for the State terminating there, or
it goes beyond to 2015?
In fact, the comprehensive programme we have for Delta is a 50-year
programme, which is captured in our Integrated Development Project; it is quite
comprehensive. I cannot come and say I want to plan for four years; I am
planning for many years. Between now and the end of the year, some components of
the programme will be launched; but what we have done is to take some areas and
have master plans. We have a master plan for Warri, Asaba, Sapele, Agbor, and
they are all ready. The one for the Ughelli axis is still on the drawing board.
What we want to do before the end of the year is to have public presentation of
master plans of specific areas, with the people from the areas being part of the
presentation. Master plans are such that they can only succeed through
public-private partnership.
How much pressure have the governors of the South-South brought to bear on
the Federal Government with regard to the implementation of the report of the
National Technical Committee on the Niger Delta?
The committee was set up by the Federal Government, and it is the
government that will come out with a White Paper on what it intends to do. What
we can do as governors of from the region is to put some pressure on the
government to as much as possible implement the report, and we are doing
it.
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